Why Do We Think Elections Are Rigged?
Election Day: The Same Accusations, Every Single Time
Election Day in Ecuador (where I was born and raised) follows a predictable script. Because voting is mandatory for citizens between 18 and 65, turnout is nearly universal—whether people care about politics or not. By midday, people are already complaining about the long lines, the heat (rain, or wind), and how slow everything is moving. Then, almost like clockwork, the fraud accusations start rolling in.
But it’s not just frustrated citizens; political leaders claim irregularities before a single result is made official. Within minutes, social media erupts with what people call “proof” of election fraud.
- A sudden shift in vote counts after a delay in reporting. (“See? They manipulated the results while the system was down!”)
- A video of ballot boxes being transported in a truck. (“This is how they swap real votes for fake ones!”)
- Messages urging people to bring their own pens. (“The ink in polling stations disappears after a few hours!”)
- Claims that election officials are miscounting ballots on purpose. (“They’re changing the results right in front of us!”)
I’d love to say I’ve always been rational about these claims. But, in the spirit of honesty, I’ll confess that I’ve also gotten caught up in the hysterics.
During one election, I saw so many messages about the pens being rigged that I thought, You know what? It can’t hurt to bring my own pen. I knew the claim was ridiculous, but the sheer number of people believing it made me hesitate. It was harmless enough, so I caved.
But that’s the thing—fraud claims don’t need to be true to shape behavior.
Of course, these accusations aren’t unique to Ecuador. Countries like the U.S.1 and Kenya2 (and many others) have faced similar claims. And yes, sometimes election fraud is real. But more often than not, the perception of fraud is shaped less by reality and more by human psychology.
Trust in democracy isn’t just about data—it’s about how we process uncertainty, loss, and information overload. Fraud claims don’t exclusively gain traction because of evidence; instead, they spread by tapping into psychological tendencies that make us quick to assume the worst.
If we want to reduce unsubstantiated fraud claims and rebuild trust in democratic institutions, we must look beyond technical safeguards and address the behavioral drivers shaping public perception. It’s not enough to claim that elections are fair; they need to feel fair.
The Science of Why We Don’t Trust Elections
If elections were only about facts, then transparent vote-counting processes and official audits would be enough to reassure people. But trust isn’t just about facts, it’s also about feelings.
Losing Hurts More Than Winning Feels Good
Imagine you’re playing a game of Monopoly with friends. At the start, you’re convinced you’ll win—you’ve got the best properties, and you’re making smart moves. Then, out of nowhere, the tables turn. Someone else starts collecting more money, you keep getting sent to “jail,” and before you know it, it’s game over. You’ve lost.
Stings right? You’d likely be feeling the effects of loss aversion—the psychological tendency to experience losses more intensely than equivalent gains. Foundational studies in behavioral science have shown that the pain of losing something is about twice as intense as the pleasure of gaining something of equal value.
Now, what if your opponent was acting just a little too confident? Would you start suspecting they cheated? Maybe they miscounted their cash? Perhaps they took an extra turn when you weren’t paying attention?
Now, apply that thought process to elections.
When a candidate loses (especially in a tight race), supporters feel a deep psychological discomfort. If I “know” my candidate was the best choice, how could they have lost? The answer our brain may offer: What if the whole system is rigged?
This is why fraud claims happen on both sides of the political spectrum in Ecuador and many other countries—before the election even finishes. And it’s not just for the actual losing party, it’s whoever feels like they might lose.
Confirmation Bias: We See What We Want to See
A few elections ago, I was following the real-time vote tallying platform that the election authorities use to update results as they come in. Like many people, I constantly refreshed the page, watching the numbers shift.
Then, suddenly, the website crashed.
For hours, nothing. No updates, no explanations, just a blank page where the results should be. When the site finally came back online, the numbers had shifted dramatically.
I remember staring at the screen, thinking, Wait, what just happened?
Immediately, social media exploded with accusations: “They manipulated the numbers while the system was down!” “This was planned all along!” “They turned off the platform to rig the results!”
And honestly? I understood why people felt that way. It looked incredibly suspicious. I found myself wondering, Could they really have changed the results while the system was offline?
This is confirmation bias at work. When something already feels suspicious, we don’t always look for a logical explanation—we gear our attention towards evidence that confirms what we already believe.
This tendency is even more apparent when set against a backdrop of pervasive corruption. In Ecuador, corruption is part of daily conversation—it’s in the news, government scandals, and even casual jokes. If a politician isn’t involved in a corruption case, people assume it’s only because they haven’t been caught yet. So when something unexpected happens (like a system crash during vote counting), it doesn’t seem odd; it instantly feels like proof of corruption.
The reality? The system likely crashed because of a technical issue, and the numbers looked different because certain regions finished counting while others were still lagging. But that didn’t matter; people who already believed the election was rigged saw this as evidence that fraud had occurred. And in a country where voting is mandatory, that news travels fast.
The Social Media Outrage Machine
It started with a WhatsApp forward.
“URGENT! Don’t use the pens they give you at the voting station! The ink disappears after a few hours, so that they can erase your vote! Bring your pen and tell everyone you know before it’s too late!”
By Election Day, everyone was talking about it. Group chats, social media posts, even conversations at polling stations—people warned each other like they had uncovered a secret government plot. While I wasn’t entirely convinced the pens were rigged, so many people talked about it that it was hard to ignore completely.
Looking back, I can’t help but laugh. I mean, let’s really think this through:
- Why would election officials go through the effort of swapping out thousands of pens with disappearing ink? If fraud were to happen, surely there would be a more efficient way.
- Was the government secretly conspiring with the pen industry?
- Was there a single person responsible for testing the timing of the disappearing ink? (“Okay, boss, this one vanishes in 3 hours. Perfect—send it to the voting site 42.”)
I never saw proof that anyone’s vote actually disappeared—because, of course, that wasn’t happening. But thanks to social media, the rumor spread so widely and quickly that it shaped real-world behavior.
This is how misinformation works: it doesn’t need to be true, it just needs to feel plausible enough for people to share it before checking.
Fake election fraud claims spread faster than facts because they trigger strong emotions—fear, anger, and outrage. The scarier the claim, the more urgently people feel the need to share it. And once something goes viral, it’s almost impossible to erase.
This is what makes election misinformation so dangerous. By the time the fact-checks come in, the damage is already done.
References
- Wendling, M. (2024, November 3). Voter fraud claims flood social media before us election. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/czj7eex29r3o
- Obulutsa, G., & Mersie, A. (2022, August 16). Kenya’s Odinga says presidential election result a “travesty” Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/kenya-braces-legal-battle-after-ruto-declared-president-elect-2022-08-16/
- How did Estonia carry out the world’s first mostly online national elections e-Estonia. (2023, April 26). https://e-estonia.com/how-did-estonia-carry-out-the-worlds-first-mostly-online-national-elections/
- Alessandro, M., Cardinale Lagomarsino, B., Scartascini, C., & Torrealday, J. (2019). Transparency and Trust in Government: Evidence from a Survey Experiment. https://doi.org/10.18235/0001569
- Carey, J., Fogarty, B., Gehrke, M., Nyhan, B., & Reifler, J. (2025). Prebunking and credible sources corrections increase election credibility: Evidence from the U.S. and Brazil. Dartmouth College; University of Notre Dame; University of Groningen; University of Southampton. https://osf.io/h89wa/
- Tyler, T. R. (2006). Psychological perspectives on legitimacy and legitimation. Annual Review of Psychology, 57(1), 375–400. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.57.102904.190038
About the Author
Dr. Cynthia Borja
Cynthia is an Associate Project Leader at The Decision Lab. She holds a doctorate in Psychology from Capella University, a Master’s in Psychology from Boston University, and a Bachelor’s in Neuroscience and Behavior from Vassar College. Her mission is to promote the application of the principles of brain, behavioral, and learning sciences to the real world.
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