Why do we rely on our current emotions when making quick decisions?

The affect heuristic describes how we often rely on our emotions, rather than concrete information, when making decisions. This allows us to reach a conclusion quickly and easily, but can also distort our thinking and lead us to make suboptimal choices.

An illustration showing a stern-looking heart pointing a gun at a brain. The text 'Affect Heuristic' is displayed at the top.

Where this bias occurs

Your friend Casey has been invited to audition for a play being put on by a prestigious theater company. Casey has always had a passion for acting, and this would be a big opportunity for them. However, Casey received the invitation the same day they learned they failed their driving test. Not only was Casey angry and upset, but their self-esteem took a serious hit. As a result, they impulsively told the theater company that they were not interested in auditioning for the play, assuming they wouldn’t get the part anyways.

Casey’s negative emotions after failing their driving test led them to overestimate the risks of auditioning for the play. They felt that there was a good chance that they would fail again. This is illogical, as Casey’s driving ability is completely independent of their acting ability. As a result, they are missing out on what could have been a great experience for them. This scenario exemplifies the affect heuristic, demonstrating how we sometimes rely on our emotions instead of logic when making decisions.

Individual effects

The affect heuristic influences our decisions by causing us to focus on how we feel rather than carefully considering what we know. This can have various consequences, shaping not only our daily decisions but also skewing how we evaluate the risks and benefits of a given choice in moments of uncertainty. Let’s explore a few common ways the affect heuristic can distort our judgment.

Emotional shortcuts in daily decisions

The affect heuristic can influence any decision, but tends to be especially prominent in situations where there is significant time pressure.1 When we’re pressed for time—for example, we’re up against a deadline at work, or we need to make a quick decision about what to pick up for dinner—we tend to rely on the affect heuristic more than when we have all the time in the world. Instead of carefully thinking through all our options, we’re more likely to rely on intuitive gut feelings to make decisions under time pressure, going with what automatically feels “right” or provokes more positive emotions. 

Unfortunately, the affect heuristic doesn’t always lead us to the correct answer. While this can be adaptive in emergencies in which we need to act quickly, it can lead to problematic errors in judgment and impulsive decisions in everyday life. For example, we might delegate a work task to a coworker we “feel good about” without considering whether they have the right experience or consume unhealthy food because it feels comforting in the moment.

Distorted perceptions of risk and opportunity

Furthermore, the affect heuristic can drastically limit our options by influencing how we evaluate risk and reward. Research shows that the perceived risks and benefits of a given activity often have an inverse relationship, meaning that as the perceived risks of an activity increase, the perceived benefits decrease, and vice versa.8 Interestingly, the affect heuristic plays a very important role in this relationship. When we rely on our feelings to judge the risks and benefits of a behavior—say, getting vaccinated or investing in the stock market—we’re more likely to overestimate risks when negative feelings are triggered and underestimate risks when we feel positively about the activity. 

As a result, we may be unwilling to put ourselves out there because of some gut feeling that we won’t succeed. This could prevent us from stepping out of our comfort zone at times when doing so could lead to great success. On the other hand, we might engage in risky behaviors, such as taking on a high-risk investment, based on positive feelings like excitement instead of carefully evaluating the real dangers of gambling with our hard-earned money. 

 An illustration showing a large circle labeled "Affect" with arrows pointing to "Perceived Benefit" and "Perceived Risk."

Systemic effects

On a larger scale, the impact of the affect heuristic on one’s perceptions and judgments of risk can have far-reaching consequences. Here are a few ways emotions can influence decision-making on a systemic level—and how the effects can impact public policy, societal trends, and business practices.

Influencing consumer decision-making

Instead of carefully evaluating the benefits and drawbacks of every product, consumers often make purchase decisions based on their gut feelings. As a result of the affect heuristic, shoppers are more likely to purchase products that make them feel happy or nostalgic, even if these items don’t have any logical benefits. Research into this phenomenon has found that when consumers feel particularly strongly about a product—perhaps because it evokes negative memories or taps into certain social identities—their judgments about the risks and benefits of the product often become more extreme.9 As a result, companies that leverage this effect with emotionally charged product design or evocative marketing messages have significant sway over consumer behavior.

Emotional reactions to public policy decisions

The affect heuristic can also be used to understand why people support or reject certain public policies. When the public is presented with a policy proposal, their response is often driven by how it makes them feel rather than a more rational evaluation of the objective risks and benefits of the policy. For example, a study on wood smoke mitigation policies in northern New South Wales found that positive affective associations with wood heating were associated with reduced support for smoke mitigation regulation.10 Not only that, but the perceived benefits and risks of wood burning played an essential mediating role in this relationship, meaning that positive feelings about wood heating reduced risk perceptions about air pollution. Often, policies that conflict with the public’s emotions can increase the likelihood of resistance, making it difficult to drive behavior change at scale.

On the flip side, the affect heuristic can also inspire positive changes within society, especially when it comes to public health campaigns. These campaigns often use fear appeals to decrease certain unhealthy behaviors—like smoking or speeding—by sharing statistics, information, and images that make people scared of that behavior. The efficacy of fear appeals has been hotly debated over the years, but, in theory, this is a potentially beneficial application of the affect heuristic. Check out Example 1 below for a closer look at fear appeals and how they can be effective at reducing harmful behaviors.

Leadership and decision-making in high-pressure environments

Finally, the affect heuristic can also result in systemic challenges within organizations. If someone in a leadership position has an important decision to make, they may come to a conclusion solely based on emotions. Making biased decisions driven by emotion is even more likely when leaders are tired or under time pressure, as we rely on heuristics more when we do not have sufficient mental resources to make an effortful, well-reasoned decision. As we’ve seen, someone’s emotions can also influence their risk perceptions, which is less than ideal in business environments where a logical reasoning ability is essential for effectively evaluating the risks and benefits of various decisions. For example, a manager who feels overwhelmed by a looming deadline might scrap an innovative project for fear of potential disruptions that could come with adopting new technology, overlooking the cost benefits of updating an older system. In scenarios like these, one person’s emotions can negatively impact the lives of many.

Why it happens

Dual process theory posits that we have two cognitive systems: one that is automatic and one that is effortful. Research suggests that the affect heuristic results from the former.2 In addition, the affect heuristic occurs because our affective state (in other words, our current emotions) alters our perception of the risks and benefits of a particular outcome.

Dual system thinking

Dual process theory is a foundational theory in cognitive psychology. It suggests that humans have two distinct modes of thinking that influence our decision-making processes. The first, System 1, is fast, effortless, automatic, and emotional, while the second, System 2, is slow, effortful, deliberate, and logical.

There is a common misconception that System 1, rooted in emotion, is maladaptive and always leads to poor decision-making, while System 2, rooted in reason, is superior in every way. However, as Daniel Kahneman pointed out in his book, Thinking, Fast and Slow, both systems have pros and cons.3 System 1 thinking is beneficial when there is no time to deliberate because we must make an immediate decision. This kind of automatic thinking allows us to make the instinctive choice to hit the brakes when someone cuts us off on the highway or to jump into action to perform the Heimlich maneuver on someone who is choking. In an emergency, there is no time to sit around and make a slow, effortful decision with System 2.

To no surprise, the affect heuristic results from System 1 thinking. Instead of making a well-reasoned decision, we make a quick choice based on our emotional state. When we need to make a snap judgment, System 1 can be to our benefit. But when we should be taking the time to weigh our options, the affect heuristic may lead us to make different decisions than we would have made otherwise.

Risks and benefits

Another factor contributing to the affect heuristic is our perception of the risks and benefits of making a certain decision. Our mood state influences risk assessment, which in turn influences our behavior.

When we experience positive affect, we tend to perceive an option as being low risk and having high potential benefits. In contrast, when we experience negative affect, we perceive the option as being high risk and having few potential benefits.4 Naturally, if we feel that selecting a certain option will lead to a big payoff with little chance of negative consequences, we feel more inclined to make a decision in its favor. Along the same vein of reasoning, if we feel that choosing a certain option is extremely risky and believe that we will not get much out of it, we are unlikely to select it. As such, the impact our emotions have on our perceived risks and benefits of a given outcome can significantly affect our decision-making.

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Why it is important

We’re faced with countless decisions in our daily lives. Granted, some are more important than others, but even seemingly small decisions can have significant consequences. To ensure that we’re making the best choices possible, we need to be aware of the different heuristics and biases that can influence our decision-making. Often, these heuristics lead us astray, especially when they are driven by emotions. 

The affect heuristic can have a significant impact on the quality of our decisions. Gone unchecked, this mental shortcut can cause us to make biased evaluations of risk or default to intuitive responses that don’t align with our best interests or long-term goals. Understanding how this heuristic works is the first step toward reducing its influence on our lives. For example, since the affect heuristic tends to manifest when we’re pressed for time, if we notice that our emotions are running high when we’re up against a deadline, we can remember to press pause and assess the situation carefully instead of acting on our intuitive judgment. 

The affect bias also plays a pivotal role in how we respond to news, marketing, and societal issues. Learning to recognize this bias can help us understand how our emotions can skew our support of or opposition to ideas, products, or policies. By making an effort to evaluate information carefully before deciding how to respond, we can avoid falling for misinformation or making decisions based on intentionally manipulated narratives. Recognizing when we are relying on our emotions can ultimately lead to more informed, well-thought-out decisions.

How to avoid it

By simply being aware that our emotions can impact our decisions, we can begin learning how to avoid the affect heuristic. Whenever possible, we should not rely exclusively on System 1 thinking when faced with big decisions. By taking the time to think logically about the choice we have to make and considering all possible options, we prevent ourselves from taking mental shortcuts to reach a conclusion. 

If possible, it is a good idea to put off making an important decision if we are feeling particularly emotional, whether that means we are very excited or sad. This will help to ensure that extreme emotions do not impact our choice. Besides sleeping on it, there are a couple of other ways to improve the quality of decisions in which you are emotionally involved, including:

  • Seeking diverse perspectives from people who are not as close to the issue at hand.
  • Actively researching objective information, such as statistics and facts from reliable sources.
  • Establishing clear decision-making criteria beforehand—like the qualities you’re looking for in a job candidate or the maximum amount of money you want to spend at the grocery store—to reduce the chance that emotions will cloud your judgment in the heat of the moment.
  • Approaching difficult choices through the lens of decision-making frameworks like the The Eisenhower Matrix and Decision Trees. These frameworks encourage you to objectively evaluate the risks and benefits of your options and consider the short- and long-term consequences of each.

What about when we don’t have time to evaluate a decision carefully? Often, mental shortcuts operate below our level of awareness, so it’s not always easy to consciously shift our thinking styles, especially when we’re overcome with emotion or racing against the clock to make a decision. This is why it can be beneficial to build a general awareness of your emotional state over time. When you can easily recognize that you’re feeling a certain way, whether that be happy, sad, or angry, you develop the cognitive ability to acknowledge your emotional reactions without automatically acting on them. 

In support of this theory, some researchers posit that people with stronger cognitive control may be better able to identify when they are responding emotionally in a decision-making context and actively override their gut reaction to choose a more deliberate decision-making path.8 Practicing mindfulness, labeling your daily emotions, and engaging in grounding techniques like deep breathing can go a long way toward developing your self-regulation skills.11 While this process will take time, it can ultimately help you make more intentional decisions in all areas of your life.

FAQ

How is the affect heuristic studied in research?

Researchers studying the affect heuristic are often interested in the influence of affect on risk preferences—this is a common area where our emotional reactions shape our judgment.8 To study this interaction, researchers use questionnaires to determine how people evaluate the risks and benefits of various activities, like undergoing surgery, getting a vaccine, skydiving, or taking out a mortgage. Regardless of whether participants rate the risks and benefits of each activity at the same time (called a joint evaluation) or in isolation (called a separate evaluation), studies show that there is a strong negative correlation between the perceived risk and benefit of the same activity. If someone feels that an activity is beneficial, they rate it as less risky. If they feel that it is risky, they rate it as less beneficial. This tells researchers that participants are relying on the affect heuristic to establish benefit and risk ratings instead of evaluating these activities objectively.

To expand our fundamental understanding of the affect heuristic, researchers often use this finding as a baseline to examine how other variables might strengthen or weaken correlations between the risks and benefits of everyday behaviors. This might mean exploring how participants’ affective judgments change when they’re put under time pressure or using longitudinal studies to determine the stability of these effects over time.12 Interestingly, recent research has started examining how differences in individual cognition, information processing, and memory influence the affect heuristic.8 There is a lot more room for future studies in this area, specifically exploring the role of cognitive performance in affective risk and benefit judgments.

Can the affect heuristic be helpful?

While the affect heuristic often causes us to make biased decisions, it can be beneficial in some situations. The main benefit of the affect heuristic is that it can help us make decisions quickly. Its efficiency-driven impact on decision-making allows us to act fast in situations where we don’t have the time or information needed to make careful, deliberate choices. Making quick judgments based on our emotional reactions can help us rapidly assess levels of risk in high-stakes scenarios, like when we’re caught in a natural disaster or deciding whether or not to undergo an urgent medical procedure. On another positive note, researchers have also explored using the affect heuristic to effectively communicate risk to the public.13 By leveraging the heuristic to increase the public’s evaluations of risk—for instance, related to smoking, climate inaction, or texting while driving—governments and public health organizations may be able to motivate positive behavior change more effectively.

What are the ethical consequences of the affect heuristic?

Using the affect heuristic deliberately—whether in marketing or public messaging—raises a few important ethical concerns. As a result of the heuristic, emotional falsehoods may sway people’s decisions more significantly than dry facts. If people make decisions based on misleading emotional information, they may be nudged toward choices that do not reflect their best interests. This is why emotionally resonant information must also be factually correct. Even then, emotional framing that interferes with someone’s understanding of the actual message can undermine informed consent, especially in legal or health domains. For example, using fear-inducing language to describe the negative effects of a patient’s medical condition may encourage them to consent to a medical procedure without weighing the benefits and risks rationally.

How it all started

In 1980, social psychologist Robert B. Zajonc highlighted the importance of emotions in decision-making in his paper, “Feeling and Thinking: Preferences Need No Inferences.”5 He suggested that all perception has an affective component. For example, he stated, “We do not just see ‘a house’: we see a handsome house, an ugly house, or a pretentious house.” Furthermore, Zajonc demonstrated that our first response upon perceiving a new stimulus is often emotional. This idea ran contrary to the accepted belief at the time that affective states only arise from cognitive and perceptual processes. Zajonc argued the opposite: that emotion is the only constant and can occur independently of cognition. When we perceive a stimulus, we will always feel some emotion toward it, but our cognitive activity is subject to change. 

In his argument, Zajonc nodded to the concept of hot vs. cool cognition introduced by Robert Abelson in 1963. Abelson described “hot cognition” as thinking that is emotionally charged and “cool cognition” as more analytical and often purely informational.14 Zajonc’s arguments—supplemented with empirical findings from various researchers—provided evidence for the idea that hot cognition often plays a more important role in our decisions than initially thought. For example, he recalled earlier research in behavioral economics by D. Kahneman and Amos Tversky, which found that the way people actually make decisions often goes against the assumptions of rational economic models.5

The theory that we can feel emotions before or even without cognitive activity opened up the floor to the discussion of how affective states influence decision-making. In 2000, Paul Slovic et al. explored this idea more closely, introducing the affect heuristic in a paper by the same name.6 In the paper, the authors describe “affect” as a feeling of “goodness” or “badness” associated with a given stimulus and explain how this reaction is both rapid and automatic. Additionally, they presented several experimental findings to demonstrate that our emotions influence our evaluation of the risks and benefits of a given behavior and how this often results in biased decision-making. 

For example, the authors summarize a 1995 study by LaFrance and Hecht, which found that smiling students accused of academic misconduct received less punishment than their non-smiling peers. Slovic et al.’s research also involved summarizing psychological studies in areas of toxicology and finance, presenting findings supporting the theory that positive emotions can make risky behaviors seem less risky and vice versa.15 These early experiments highlighted the significant impact of emotional responses on human judgment and inspired a wealth of further research diving into the correlation between risk perceptions and emotions in the years since.

How it affects product

The design of a user interface can significantly influence our level of emotional engagement when using a digital device. If we find the design aesthetically appealing, it will encourage us to continue interacting with that product. Meanwhile, if we find the design jarring or unappealing, the resulting negative emotions might deter us from remaining on the interface much longer. 

For example, when Twitter updated its logo to “X” in July of 2023, the abrupt switch didn’t resonate well with most users. In fact, it spurred public outrage, with many leaving the app. This anecdote is a great reminder to thoroughly review customer reactions within a target clientele before making major interface changes. Otherwise, their negative emotions might make them shy away from your product.

The affect heuristic and AI

As discussed previously, we are more likely to fall victim to the affect heuristic when we are short on time or energy. This means that our emotional vulnerability may play a significant role in how effectively we use AI software. 

Let’s say you’re cramming to finish a research paper due at midnight. Overwhelmed by stress, you impulsively resort to ChatGPT to write a couple of paragraphs for you. Without checking them over, you copy and paste them into your document and turn the paper in minutes before the deadline. Unfortunately, you failed the assignment; the information in those paragraphs was incorrect, and your professor suspected that you plagiarized them.

Meanwhile, if you had consulted ChatGPT a week in advance to brainstorm ideas and fact-check your resources, you could have incorporated this resource into your outline in a calm and collected manner. This would have paid off in a better grade and a final product you were proud of calling your own. With the affect heuristic in mind, we should view AI as a continual tool rather than an emergency resource to make the best decisions possible.

Example 1 – Fear appeals

Public health campaigns use the affect heuristic to encourage people to practice healthy behaviors and avoid maladaptive ones. They do so through fear appeals, which serve to scare the population by presenting the worst-case scenario of continuing to partake in certain behaviors. 

A classic example of this is anti-smoking campaigns, which use pictures to deter people from smoking. Some countries display images of the teeth and lungs of long-time smokers on the sides of cigarette packages. Additionally, such campaigns stress the severity of the consequences of smoking using statistics, such as the increased risk of cancer, stroke, and gum disease.

David Hammond and Geoffrey T. Fong explored the efficacy of fear appeals on cigarette packages in their 2004 paper, “Graphic Canadian Cigarette Warning Labels and Adverse Outcomes: Evidence from Canadian Smokers.”7 They found that of the 616 Canadian smokers surveyed, 20% reported smoking less due to the warning labels. The greater negative affect that smokers felt, which was most commonly fear and disgust, the more likely they were to attempt quitting smoking, or at least cut back on their number of cigarettes.

Negative emotions pushed people to reduce their smoking, highlighting how our affective state can also drive proactive behaviors. In this case, we see how the affect heuristic is not always irrational but can actually lead to logical decisions. However, it may help that fear appeals do not promote random choices but are strategically designed to help us do the right thing.

Example 2 – Interpreting statistics

We think of statistics as cold, hard facts, but our interpretations of them are not always objective. The emotions we feel when learning certain statistics can influence the inferences we make from them. Moreover, our emotions can be manipulated by how the statistics are presented.

In a study conducted by Slovic et al. in 2000, a group of psychiatrists and forensic psychologists evaluated the likelihood that a mentally ill patient would act violently within six months of being discharged from the hospital. All participants were provided with statistical evidence to inform their decision. For half of the participants, this information was presented in terms of relative frequency: “20 out of every 100 patients similar to Mr. Jones are estimated to commit an act of violence”. The other half were given the statistics framed in terms of equivalent frequency: “Patients similar to Mr. Jones are estimated to have a 20% chance of committing an act of violence.”

In the relative frequency group, 41% of participants said the patient should not be discharged, while only 21% of participants in the equivalent frequency group said he should not be discharged. In both cases, the same numbers were presented; they differed only in the way they were presented. The researchers hypothesized that this was because the low probability of 20% elicited images of a single individual who is unlikely to behave violently. This benign image would not cause any of the participants’ moods to deviate from baseline. On the other hand, the equivalent frequency brought forth images of several aggressive individuals who are comparable to the patient in question. Imagining people committing violent acts induced a negative mood, eliciting emotions such as fear, which made the participants less willing to discharge the patient.5

Even though presenting statistics in varying ways does not change the objective values, it can influence our affective responses. Our emotions may consequently impact the way we interpret the statistics, influencing our decision-making. If Slovic et al.’s study had been a real-world example, the framing of statistics would have actually impacted whether or not a patient was discharged.

Summary

What it is

The affect heuristic refers to how we can make judgments and decisions more efficiently—although not always more accurately—when relying on our emotions.

Why it happens

We can explain the affect heuristic using dual process theory, which states that we have two distinct cognitive systems for decision making, one that is automatic (System 1) and one that is effortful (System 2). The affect heuristic is a product of the automatic system, arising from our affective state. Our emotions can also alter our perception of the risks and benefits of a certain outcome, swaying how likely we are to choose it.

Example 1 - Fear appeals

Public health campaigns have used the affect heuristic to deter people from engaging in unhealthy behavior by sharing scary or disturbing information. Anti-smoking campaigns, for example, intentionally place information about the consequences of smoking and pictures of diseased gums and lungs on cigarette packages. A survey found that the more negative emotions people felt in response to these warning labels, the more likely they were to cut back on smoking or even quit altogether.

Example 2 - Interpreting statistics

Statistics presenting the probability of a certain event occurring have the ability to elicit emotional responses from us. These responses can be manipulated by the way the information is framed. 

For example, clinicians in a study were less willing to discharge a psychiatric patient when told that 20 out of every 100 individuals like him committed a violent act in the six months after being discharged. This is because the equivalent frequency framing forced them to imagine several people committing violent acts, increasing their fear the patient would do the same. 

How to avoid it

Being aware of the affect heuristic can help us remind ourselves to take our time making important decisions. This way, we can come to a conclusion using sound reasoning, instead of making an impulsive choice based on our emotions.

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Nudging Consumers Towards Big-Picture Thinking

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Sources

  1. Finucane, M. L., Alhakami, A., Slovic, P., & Johnson, S. M. (2000). The affect heuristic in judgments of risks and benefits. Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, 13(1), 1–17. doi: 10.1002/(SICI)1099-0771(200001/03)13
  2. See 1
  3. System 1 and System 2 Thinking. The Marketing Society. https://www.marketingsociety.com/think-piece/system-1-and-system-2-thinking
  4. Cherry, K. (2020). The Affect Heuristic and Decision Making. Very Well Mind. https://www.verywellmind.com/what-is-the-affect-heuristic-2795028
  5. Zajonc, R. B. (1980). Feeling and thinking: preferences need no inferences. American Psychologist, 35(2), 151–175. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.35.2.151 
  6. Slovic, P., Finucane, M.L., Peters, E., and MacGregor, D.G. (2000). The affect heuristic. European Journal of Operational Research. 177(2007), 1333-1352. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejor.2005.04.006 
  7. Hammond, D., Fong, G.T., McDonald, P.W., Brown, Stephen K., and Cameron, R. (2004). Graphic Canadian Cigarette Warning Labels and Adverse Outcomes: Evidence from Canadian Smokers. American Journal for Public Health. 94, 1142-1445. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.94.8.1442
  8. Skagerlund, K., Forsblad, M., Slovic, P., & Västfjäll, D. (2020). The Affect Heuristic and Risk Perception – Stability Across Elicitation Methods and Individual Cognitive Abilities. Frontiers in Psychology, 11, 534206. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.00970
  9. King, J., & Slovic, P. (2014). The affect heuristic in early judgments of product innovations. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, 13(6), 411-428. https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.1491 
  10. Bhullar, N., Hine, D. W., Marks, A., Davies, C., Scott, J. G., & Phillips, W. (2014). The affect heuristic and public support for three types of wood smoke mitigation policies. Air Quality, Atmosphere & Health, 7, 347-356. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11869-014-0243-1 
  11. Catanese, L. (2024, August 8). Self-regulation for adults: Strategies for getting a handle on emotions and behavior. Harvard Health Publishing. https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/self-regulation-for-adults-strategies-for-getting-a-handle-on-emotions-and-behavior 
  12. Connor, M., & Siegrist, M. (2016). The stability of risk and benefit perceptions: A longitudinal study assessing the perception of biotechnology. Journal of Risk Research, 19(4), 461-475. https://doi.org/10.1080/13669877.2014.988169 
  13. Keller, C., Siegrist, M., & Gutscher, H. (2006). The Role of the Affect and Availability Heuristics in Risk Communication. Risk Analysis, 26(3), 631-639. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1539-6924.2006.00773.x 
  14. Lepper, M. R. (1994). "Hot" versus "cold" cognition: An Abelsonian voyage. In R. C. Schank & E. Langer (Eds.), Beliefs, reasoning, and decision making: Psycho-logic in honor of Bob Abelson (pp. 237–275). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
  15. Slovic, P., Finucane, M., Peters, E., & MacGregor, D. G. (2002). The affect heuristic. In T. Gilovich, D. Griffin, & D. Kahneman (Eds.), Heuristics and biases: The psychology of intuitive judgment (pp. 397–420). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511808098.025 

About the Authors

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Dan Pilat

Managing Director

Dan is a Co-Founder and Managing Director at The Decision Lab. He is a bestselling author of Intention - a book he wrote with Wiley on the mindful application of behavioral science in organizations. Dan has a background in organizational decision making, with a BComm in Decision & Information Systems from McGill University. He has worked on enterprise-level behavioral architecture at TD Securities and BMO Capital Markets, where he advised management on the implementation of systems processing billions of dollars per week. Driven by an appetite for the latest in technology, Dan created a course on business intelligence and lectured at McGill University, and has applied behavioral science to topics such as augmented and virtual reality.

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Dr. Sekoul Krastev

Managing Director & Co-Founder

Dr. Sekoul Krastev is a decision scientist and Co-Founder of The Decision Lab, one of the world's leading behavioral science consultancies. His team works with large organizations—Fortune 500 companies, governments, foundations and supernationals—to apply behavioral science and decision theory for social good. He holds a PhD in neuroscience from McGill University and is currently a visiting scholar at NYU. His work has been featured in academic journals as well as in The New York Times, Forbes, and Bloomberg. He is also the author of Intention (Wiley, 2024), a bestselling book on the science of human agency. Before founding The Decision Lab, he worked at the Boston Consulting Group and Google.

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